On a gray afternoon last week in Paris, I attended the New University in Exile Consortium Scholars Conference on the plight of women and minorities under authoritarian regimes. In particular, I was interested to attend the panel and keynote on The State of Women in Afghanistan Today. The distinguished speakers Shafiqa Khapalwak, Safia Hussainin, Faisal Karimi, Aziz Mohibbi, Massume Zaki, US Special Envoy Rina Amiri and Moderator Crystal Bayat discussed the challenges facing women in their country, the impacts of the Taliban’s takeover, and the effect it has had on those who have fled.
Since the Taliban takeover following the catastrophic US withdrawal in August 2021, Afghanistan has become “an open prison for women”. Institutionalizing misogyny, through the near-total ban of women and girls in public space and public life, is contributing to increased insecurity, violence and poverty in Afghanistan. Speakers laid out how the Taliban are treating women (and their rights) as a bargaining chip to extort the international community while distracting from pressing issues, such as the economy and formation of a government. The process of this gender persecution has been systematic and, as yet, has not been reversed. It is unacceptable, has no roots in tradition nor religion, and must not be normalized by the international community.
One of the first rulings of the Taliban after the takeover was to ban unaccompanied women in pubic space, barring women from traveling from work to home, going outside, and undertaking international travel without the accompaniment of a male relative (mahram). This was swiftly followed by restrictions on education, healthcare, work and dress. Women and girls were then banned from attending secondary schools, forced to resign their jobs in media and government, and most recently forbidden from working with domestic and international non-governmental organizations. Since January 2023, women have been barred from pursuing higher education degrees entirely, and forbidden from parks, gyms and other public spaces. US Special Envoy Rina Amiri highlighted that the restrictions on women’s labor has resulted in a 5% reduction of Afghanistan’s GDP, this according to incomplete data obtained by the UN, which is likely much higher. Women previously held a minimum of 30% seats in the Parliament thanks to a constitutional quota. Now the remaining female MPs live in exile. Meanwhile, journalist Faisal Karimi shared that only 7% of women working in media have managed to hang onto their jobs.
It is difficult to fully comprehend the consequences of this ideological social engineering; in both the short and long term it is utterly devastating. There is a dismal lack of data and underreporting, which indicates that these issues are far more grave. What is certain is that girls cannot go to school, signaling dire prospects for their future education and employment. Women are restricted from being able to work or travel outside the home, with very few exceptions, leading to a breaking point for female single heads of households. Without an income, families face food insecurity and must rely on dwindling
international aid (which, since the ban on women employees has been severely curtailed).
The mental and physical health toll of this regime cannot be understated. The confinement of women and girls to the home and restrictions on economic life is
increasing rates of suicide, domestic violence and child marriage. Massume Zaki and Shafia Khpalwak talked about the feelings of despair, confinement and PTSD effecting women and girls faced with the impossibility of a future in Afghanistan. Safia Hussaini, whose doctoral research is on the psychological and socio-economic situation of Afghan women refugees in France, shared how PTSD and isolation lead to lasting trauma in women’s lives, even after they escape.
It must be said here that women and girls, as well as their male allies, are resisting the cruel and oppressive restrictions of the Taliban. Shafiqa Khpalwak discussed how teenage girls have and continue to protest the closures of their schools and their removal from the world of education, despite the reality of detention and violence protesters face. There is growing creation and uptake of education in secret and online schools. Women working in the media have continued to make their voices present on television, despite now having to appear entirely covered, including their mouths. Faisal Karimi underscored that women have developed resilient strategies to navigate these challenges. They are fighting the misogynist ideology of the Taliban in overt and covert ways, and those that have been forced to seek asylum continue the fight. But that does not make the challenges they face any smaller.
Data from the Mixed Migration Centre show that women in Afghanistan are facing the hardest choice of all at ever-greater rates: choosing to leave. Such a journey as a woman is further complicated and precarious. Due to the requirement of male guardians, the higher smuggling prices for unaccompanied women, common lack of official documentation and exorbitant visas costs, women are limited to very narrow escape routes. Although many countries like Sweden, Denmark, France and Canada have offered their support to Afghan women, expedited pathways to asylum remain restricted. Women increasingly must take the choice of dangerous land routes through neighboring countries like Iran, Pakistan and Turkey, in order to get closer to safe resettlement countries. The rates of violence, sexual harassment and fatalities on these routes, both at the hand of smugglers and from police and border officials,
is growing.
According
to reports, over 1 million refugees have left Afghanistan since the Taliban came to power. With the untenable possibilities for women and girls in the county, these figures are projected to increase. For international institutions, supporting Afghan women through access to distance education and funding scholarships is crucial. Making space for Afghan women to share their experiences, initiatives and policy recommendations in international forums should be prioritized.
Meanwhile, expedited and affordable routes for family reunification and visa processing must be implemented. As I wrote in my previous blog on the new UK immigration laws, Afghan citizens have a very high acceptance rate for asylum if they are able to get to the UK. In contrast, only several dozen citizens were granted asylum through the UK’s Afghan resettlement pathway in 2022. In the US, on which the burden of resettling should weigh heaviest, thousands of Afghan refugees at risk from the Taliban from their work with Americans are still stuck in immigration limbo in third countries. The number of US refugee admissions still remains far below the project ceiling.
There is very much work to be done to support Afghan women and girls in getting their possibilities back. I was grateful to hear the stories of hope and resistance from the speakers at this conference. Paying attention is just a first step.